وقفة إحتجاجية لأجل تونس في بروكسل / rassemblement solidarité avec les peuples tunisiens et algériens

لكل الإخوة و الرفاق في بلجيكا: الرجاء المشاركة في الوقفة الإحتجاجية التي ستقام في مدينة بروكسل يوم السبت المقبل ضد النظام العربي الرسمي بشكل العام و النظام التونسي بشكل خاص. فلنرفع أعلام دول المغرب العربي و علم فلسطين تحت شعار: الموت لنظام العربي الرسمي و الموت للكيان الصهيوني....معا لتحرير الشعب العربي



Time:15 January · 15:00 - 17:00
Location: au croisement de l’avenue de Stalingrad et du boulevard du Midi (statue mégaphone) à 15h00

2011: The year Lebanon Allows Palestinians Some Elementary Civil Rights?

Shatila Camp, Beirut

Maybe it was the really loud celebratory Ak-47 Kalashnikov and small arms gunfire and fireworks in my South Beirut neighborhood that triggered the intense New Years Eve nightmare. Or I guess it could have been the seemingly, just below my bedroom window, launched RPG-7’s which followed minutes past midnight on January 1, 2011.

Anyhow, in my News Years dream, I was back in my childhood home, Milwaukie, Oregon, nearly half a century ago. Our farming and lumber town on the Willamette River had a population of around 2000 in those much simpler and less crowded days. I dreamt it was Saturday afternoon and as we always did during our middle school years, my best friend and Lake Road neighbor, David Inabnit and I went to our town’s decaying W.WII era movie theatre called the “Victory”, at exactly 1 p.m.

We stood in line to watch the Saturday Matinee, paid the 20 cents for admission, used the dime his sainted mother Martha always gave us for spending money and bought either Milk Duds or Good ‘n Plenty candies and settled into the comfortable over stuffed seats.

We always enjoyed the afternoon complete with Realtone News, a bunch of cartoons, the latest episode of an action serial like Dick Tracy, Hopalong Cassidy or the Cisco Kid, and usually a Cowboys and Indians movie. Or sometimes, my favorite childhood action hero, “Tarzan, King of the Jungle.” Tarzan’s very pleasant friend Jane, who always seemed to twist her angle and had to be carried by Tarzan, swinging on vines through the treetops (Jane reminded me of Miss Whitehead, our Milwaukie Grammar School 4th Grade teacher) was quite pretty.

But the jungle duo’s screeching and too hyper chimpanzee ‘Cheetah’ regularly got on my nerves. It was not until two decades later that I learned to my horror that the film producers sometimes would beat, drug and apply electricity to our presumed distant cousin to get the dramatic shots they wanted. These revelations shattered my idolatry towards “Tarzan, the Ape man” because I figured he knew about and should have prevented the animal abuse that his partner ‘Cheetah’ suffered.

My New Year’s nightmare was centered on one of those terrifying scenes (besides a giant boa constrictor slithering down a tree or dropping from vines overhead and wrapping around and crushing someone-or a zillion silvery flesh eating piranhas splashing in a bloody feeding frenzy and quickly stripping their victims skeleton right there on the huge screen in front of us) that still upsets me a lot. It was a quicksand pit scene where the victims would sink out of sight and disappear forever while flailing their arms and screaming--swallowed up by the shifting and sinking sand despite all their intense struggling to save themselves.

In my nightmare this vast quicksand pit kept getting wider and broader. David and I were high up in the treetops watching the swirling deathtrap cork-screwing downward as it expanded. To our horror, futilely struggling to extricate and save themselves were thousands of soon to be suffocated Palestinian refugees, some of whom I recognized from today’s refugee camps in Lebanon.

David and I could see in the distance people huddled in groups and watching. They appeared to be discussing whether they should try to rescue the condemned. But they all just stood there. Some shedding crocodile tears as they gawked—but no one made a move to save the perishing wretches.

Tarzan was nowhere to be seen and we kept looking for him to swing down from the overhead vines.
He never came.

This observer admits to possessing a fragile and perhaps nightmare susceptible psych these days, after long observing the lives of friends in Palestinian camps in Lebanon. But it is one thing to study the statistics, read well meaning NGO studies, and attend three dozen or so Palestinian Rights ‘Workshops/Conferences of one kind or another over the past few years. It’s quite another to share greatly valued personal relationships with some of those whose life experiences provide the sociological data.

NEW YEAR’S 2011 STATISTICAL UPDATE: LEBANON ‘LOWEST OF THE LOWS’
In Lebanon this past summer, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), conducted a socio-economic survey of 2,600 Palestinian refugee households.
The depressing survey results are not encouraging.

As bad, if not worse than in Gaza, the data reveals a ticking social, moral, political and perhaps literal time bomb.

The data graphically illustrate the urgent need for immediate Lebanese and global governmental and civil society support, advocacy, and political pressure to encourage Lebanon’s parliament to enact internationally mandated elementary human rights for Palestinian refugees.

Both the international community and Lebanon have created and perpetuated the quicksand death pit tragedy unfolding in Lebanon’s camps. The good news is that either can fairly quickly end the nightmare if they can be motivated to develop the political will.

DEMOGRAPHICS: SWELLING
Half of the population is under 25 years old. Two-thirds of the Palestinians live shoe horned inside camps the square footage of which has not appreciably increased over the past six decades but whose population has more than quadrupled.

One-third live in gatherings mainly near one of the 12 camps’ vicinity. Nearly 7 % are extremely poor, meaning they cannot meet their essential daily food needs, five times the percentage for the poorest Lebanese.

Nearly 67 per cent of Palestine's refugees in Lebanon are poor and cannot meet their basic food and non-food needs. This is double the number for the Lebanese poor and one of the highest in the World.

UNEMPLOYMENT: RISING
Nearly 56 per cent of Palestinians are jobless. Two-thirds of Palestinians employed in elementary occupations (i.e. street vendors, construction or agriculture workers) are poor.

A major part of Palestinians refugee problems in Lebanon are caused by the fact that Lebanon’s government refuses to grant them the internationally mandated rights required and enjoyed by all the world’s refugees. These include the right to work and to own a home, the two deprivations, among those most severely impacting Palestinians in Lebanon.

EDUCATION: SHRINKING
Less than half of young people of secondary school age (16-18 years old) are even enrolled in schools or vocational training centers. Eight per cent of the Palestine refugee population of school age (7-15 years old) are not enrolled in any school as 2011 begins. Only 6 per cent of Palestinians refugees in Lebanon are university degree holders whereas in the Diaspora the figure is often in the 80-90 percentile for Palestinians.

Formerly one of the Palestinian refugees’ characteristics was a strong educational background. This proud attribute has now vanished in Lebanon’s camps. High dropout rates and insufficient skills combined with multi-barriers established by the Lebanese government severely limit the refugees’ ability to find even menial ‘informal economy’ or ‘black market’ jobs.

FOOD INSECURITY: INCREASING
Sixty three per cent of Lebanon’s Palestinians experience food insecurity, and 15 per cent of Palestinians are severely food insecure and are in acute need of food assistance.

Approximately 25% of refugee households consume inadequate amounts of fruit, vegetables, dairy and meat, and one-third of the population is not meeting their micronutrient requirements.

According to the authors of the UNWRA survey, micronutrient deficiencies cause stunting, poor cognitive and psychomotor development of children

Unhealthy dietary habits are common among Lebanon’s refugees.
Fifty-seven per cent have unhealthy dietary habits including the excessive consumption of sweets.
Sixty-eight per cent consume sweetened drinks which directly increases the burden of chronic diseases.

HEALTH: DETERIORATING
Chronic illnesses affects close to a third of Lebanon’s Palestinian refugees.
All Palestinian households with a disabled head of household live in extreme poverty. Twenty one per cent of Lebanon’s Palestinian refugees attest to experiencing depression, anxiety, or distress. Ninety five per cent of the population is without medical insurance but UNRWA, which is again being targeted for dissolution by the US Congressional Israeli lobby, does its best to provide primary and secondary health care.
100 percent of the camps and gatherings potable water is polluted.

HOUSING CONDITIONS: SQUALID
Sixty-six per cent of the houses suffer from dampness and leakage which often results in psychological and chronic illnesses. Eight per cent of households live in shelters where the roof and/or walls are made of corrugated iron, wood or asbestos. Eight per cent live in overcrowded conditions (more than three people in one room) while as many as seven to a room is not uncommon.

Every group and political party in Lebanon has failed the Palestinian refugees-including their leadership. The best of the Palestinians are those struggling to survive in the Camps and it is their young people who will likely take the Palestinian struggle to survive and to return to Palestine to the next level if necessary.

A 2011 SOLUTION FROM THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY?
It would take Lebanon’s Parliament just two hours to fix half of the problem and to abolish the racist 2001 law that forbids Palestinians from owning a home. Unfortunately its author, who is currently Minister of Labor, has not altered his mindset a decade later.

Indeed, he has just submitted to Parliament a draft law that would outlaw Christians selling any property at all in Lebanon to Muslims (read: Hezbollah supporting Shia) for the next 15 years under penalty of ten years in jail and a fine double the sale price. He has declared such a law is “necessary in order to advance sectarian harmony” while denying that he favors building medieval walls around the 18 sects land holdings.

It would take roughly the same amount of time for Parliament to declare that Palestinians shall be allowed the full right to work.

Not the mockery of the August 17, 2010 public relations feel good “cancellation of the work permit fee” gesture that likely has not and will not help one refugees secure a job, the same right that all other foreigners have.

By way of contrast to Lebanon inaction, the Palestinian’s arch enemy Israel, as if to taunt Lebanon, announced this week that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has instructed Industry, Trade and Labor Minister Benjamin Ben-Eliezer to increase the number of Palestinians from the West Bank allowed to work in Israel. Ben-Eliezer is to allocate 5,000 more work permits for Palestinians from the West Bank.

So at the beginning of 2011 the score might be said to be: 5000 Israeli work permits for Palestinians. Zero from Lebanon.

Increasingly, political analysts are concluding that Lebanon’s politicians are simply not capable, given this country’s virulent sectarianism and civil war memories, and despite occasional sweet words about the 1949 Universal Declaration of the Human Rights being partly authored by a Lebanese gentleman, of granting internationally mandated elementary civil rights to Palestinians. This despite the fact that those who came to Lebanon 63 years ago were forced here by Zionist ethnic cleansing.

IT’S THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY’S OBLIGATION ALSO, STUPID
On the other hand, it would require of President Obama, President Ahmadinejad, the European Union or any one of a number of other heads of major powers only the time required to send the right communication to Lebanon’s three key politicians to correct this six now 63 year long injustice.

The UN and the international community must politely demand that Lebanon end this unacceptable discrimination against their sisters and brothers because it is no longer internationally tolerable.

They must make clear that all foreign aid to Lebanon will be suspended until Parliament meets its internationally mandated humanitarian obligations toward Palestinian refugees.

The current Christian, Sunni and Shia back scratching Parliamentary leadership trio would likely stumble over each other, scrambling to comply with the remarkable, long overdue international involvement.

Were the international community to cease averting its eyes and actually give some meaning to the more than 100 UN Resolutions on Palestine and the more than 500 conference declarations over the past half century dealing with Palestinian refugees, Lebanon’s six decades of shame would be lifted.

More importantly, the implementation of the Right of Return to Palestine, and the refugees’ departure from Lebanon would be advanced as the warehoused refugees gain some economic strength to pursue their inalienable right and responsibility to regain Palestine.

A win-win formula for Lebanon and humanity if ever there was one.

Hopefully, all of Lebanon’s politicians and parties, along with the international community, will assure that 2011, is not just the year of the Rabbit, but the year that Palestinian refugees in Lebanon secured the internationally mandated elementary rights to work and to own a home.

Franklin Lamb is doing research in Lebanon and is reachable c/o fplamb@gmail.com

The Union of Arab Students in Europe: Our emblem explained

The Union of Arab Students in Europe: Our emblem explained


The slogan on the top of our emblem is the expression God is Greater in Arabic. This well known trans-religious Arab slogan is employed by the dispossessed and underpriviliged in the Arab and Islamic worlds, as a means to express their anger and discontent towards oppression and injustice.

The 'two crescents' is an artistic representation of the unity of the Arab nation. Each cresent represents one of the parts of this nation; the Mashreq and the Maghreb. Put together, they form an impermeable circle representing Arab unity.

The edges of these two crescents have sharp blades, signifying the resistance that is defending this nation, but also, its dynamism and historical movement.

The usage of a crescent is a mere reference to the Arab-Islamic civilization which is strongly rooted in the national and cultural awareness of our people.

In between the two crescents stands the Arabic letter “ض”. This latter character is unique since it exists only in Arabic. Therefore Arabic is often referred to as the language of “ض” which is the lingua franca of the Arab world.

Below the two crescents is the following phrase: “to the top through knowledge”. As a student organization we cannot overemphasize on the importance of acquiring knowledge. The path to knowledge runs straight along the path of emancipation, national awakening, solidarity, development and unity.


PS : The two crescents are also used in the symbols of the Arab European League and the Arab Nationalist Youth

Gaza, behind the scenes

On the occasion of the second anniversary of the Israeli onslaught on the Gaza-strip, the Union of Arab Students conducted an interview with two Palestinian students currently doing an exchange in a Belgian university.


Exactly two years ago, we witnessed the brutal attack of the Israeli army on Gaza and its citizens. We felt anger, pain, rage and sadness, yet all we saw was just a glimp of the real live in Gaza. To be better informed about the daily life of the Gazans, two Gazans, who were present during the attack, were willing to share their experiences with us. For privacy reasons, the names will not be published.
1) What were you doing during the attack?
S.N.: If you mean the first day of the attack, I was distributing the exam papers to the students. I worked as English Language teacher and it was the time of midterm exams. Of course you can imagine how hard was that time, since I had so many duties: to protect the students, to protect myself, to answer the calls on the mobile, to deal with the worried parents of the students and above all to understand what was going on!
M.H.: The first attack occurred when I was working in my office at Islamic University of Gaza. It was about 11:30 when I heard a very huge explosion; it was so close that we felt it in our room and directly I jumped to the window to see tens of bodies lying on the ground. It was the main police HQ and all the dead persons were policemen.
2) How did you feel knowing the war broke out and knowing your lives were in absolute danger?
M.H.: Me and my colleagues ran out of the buildings and gathered to know what was going on. When I heard that similar attacks happened simultaneously in different places, I realized that the war had just begun. Ambulances started to transport the injured people to the hospitals, while the voice of explosions still being heard. The streets were crowed with people, students, women, and men as well; nobody knew where to find a safe place. I was trying to call my family when I was walking to my home but there was no connection. Actually I didn’t take care about myself; all I wanted was to be with my kids those hard moments.
S.N.: Frankly, at the beginning I was thinking about the lives of the students more than my life. There was a police station exactly next to our school and you can imagine what could happen if the aircrafts bombed it before we leave the school! Actually, after the first week I began to feel indifferent,, I mean the smell of death was everywhere around you and at that point you lose the taste of life!
3) Did you see the invasion of the Israeli army happening?
M.H.: I didn’t see the troops because I was living in Shati Refugees Camp which is far from the city borders.

S.N.:  Yes, I did.

4) How did you protect yourselves from the phosphor-bombs?
M.H.: To feel safe, we, the whole family in the building consisting of about 25 persons for the whole war period gathered in the ground floor which was about 190 m2. It was not that safe, but just to be with each other and feel strong.

S.N.: I used to live at the second floor of my family’s house but since the war began I moved to the grand floor because it would be safer and we could see each other and try to reduce the fear and worry specially when the power was cut…
5)How did you manage to survive, without having gaz, electricity or food and water?
M.H.: Electricity was always used for heating, cooking, TV’s, fridges, laundry machines, etc. the heating solution was only to wear more clothes because the wood fire was almost enough for cooking and heating water for taking showers. Everything inside the fridges became damaged the first days, and we started to clean our clothes manually. No TV’s, the only news source was the FM radio stations.
S.N.:  We used to take some reserves when we feel that something is going to happen. But this last war was really surprising and we felt shocked. If you call back to the time of the first attack, it was almost at noon, the time of working, studying .. etc. Back to your question, honestly I don’t know how could we manage things. Maybe it is kind of being ready all the time because we are used to these situations!! By the way, our house was full of people; I mean some of my relatives came to live with us because their area was absolutely dangerous.
6) Describe the conditions you were living in during the attack.
M.H.: Mixed feelings and thoughts were inside, I was afraid about my kids, my wife, my brothers, and all my family. What is better? to protect myself or to protect them? At the same time I wanted to do something to end this war but not to give up. Hope was minimized to the basic things; I was planning to pursue my studies, and to enhance my job to build a better future for the kids, but then my biggest goal was only to keep them alive.
S.N.: I’ll try my best to describe what is indescribable! Power cut, aircrafts in the sky all the time, the sound of explosions was everywhere, from time to time you get the bad news of one of your relatives or friends was killed, you feel in deep stress all the time, children around you make things worse when you think about them, the phosphor bombs were the most dangerous thing in that war since it was the first time we see it,,,, a lot of things that you can imagine yourself!!

7) Do you have anything left to say about the attack or to the people who were following everything on the news?
S.N.: Yes indeed. I would like to tell all the people that “ On that land what deserves life” as the late Palestinian poet Mahmoud Darwish said. I know how cruel the war was but let’s think about the time after war. What we should do to help the people there? How many homes, hospitals, schools were destroyed? How many patient need to go out for treatment? How many students need to go out Gaza to pursue their education? What should we do to break the illegal siege imposed on Gaza for almost 5 years? Finally, I would like to thank all the free people all around the world for their support for the fair Palestinian case in my name and in the name of all the Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank which is not much better than Gaza with the Apartheid Wall there and the increasing illegal Israeli settlements.

Abu Ghraib: vader van de Graaf

Wikileaks heeft de scoop van de maand binnengehaald door 400.000 geheime Amerikaanse militaire documenten te publiceren. De helft van elke Amerikaanse belastingsdollar wordt geïnvesteerd in het leger maar de Amerikanen zelf mogen niet weten wat er met dat geld gebeurt. Één van bestemmingen van dat geld is Abu Ghraib. Wat daar gebeurt -en ik gebruik bewust de tegenwoordige tijd- tart elke verbeelding. Daarom dat Illias hieronder ons geheugen opfrist en ons eraan herinnert dat wat jaren geleden even een fait-divers was nog steeds de werkelijkheid is voor duizenden Irakezen.

De Vogel des Doods
door Illias Elmouden
‘Dankzij de Verenigde Staten van Amerika kunnen vijftig miljoen mensen, die ooit onder het juk van een tiran leefden, nu in vrijheid leven’ is een beroemde uitspraak van George W. Bush, de War President. Belofte maakt schuld, niet?
We herinneren ons allen de ‘heroïsche’ invasie in Irak, waarbij we op enkele Amerikaanse zenders konden aanschouwen hoe blij heel het Iraakse volk het standbeeld van Saddam Hoessein omvertrok. Houd dat beeld in gedachten en kijk naar een andere zender, zoals Al Jazeera, die hetzelfde fenomeen, maar van op een grotere afstand filmde. Waar we op bijvoorbeeld CNN zagen dat zovele Irakezen deze heldhaftige daad durfden te verrichten, zagen we op Al Jazeera dat het ‘hele Iraakse volk’ bestond uit een paar enkelingen, omringd door vele aanschouwers die elkaar schouderophalend aankeken, maar met een doordringende angst in hun ogen, wetende dat hun leven nooit meer hetzelfde zou zijn en dat hun land, eens het roemrijke Babylonische centrum en een culturele metropool van de arabisch-islamitische wereld, haar gouden dagen nooit meer zou meemaken.
Op het nieuws zagen we allen de hel losbarsten, iets wat de Irakezen hebben moeten voelen. “Opstanden in Tikriet”, “Zelfmoordaanslag in Baghdad”, “Bloedbad in Basrah”, … krantenkoppen die een mens met een hart en geweten bijblijven. C’est vraiment l’enfer…
Maar wie had nu kunnen denken dat die ‘bevrijders’ in de hel nog een verkleinde, maar daarom niet minder erge, versie konden creëren? Deze behekste plek werd echter al door Saddam zelf gebruikt… Een leuk detail: dit ‘fraaie’ bolwerk werd door de Britten gebouwd als cadeau! Vader van de Graaf heette deze plek, Abu Ghraib. En de graaf symboliseert, jawel, de dood.
Een korte omschrijving om in de sfeer te geraken lijkt gepast: het gebouw ademde dood uit en vormde het centrale punt in een, onder de schroeiende zon, verlaten vlakte. Het complex werd omringd door dikke prikkeldraden, als het ware verfraaid met door bloed bedekte kledij.
Enkele Amerikaanse militairen, die het verkeer regelden, kregen de functies van machtsgeile cipiers toegewezen gekregen.
Op het binnenplein werden burgers vastgehouden die er verdacht uitzagen, iets verdacht konden gaan uitvoeren of verdacht naar de markt gingen. Jong, oud, rijk en arm werden op elkaar gepropt als het ware in een nieuwe souk. Buiten hun bezittingen, raakten ze vaak hun identiteit kwijt, aangezien voor velen onder hen geen steekkaart werd opgemaakt of geen gevangenennummer geregistreerd werd. In de cellen zelf zaten zij die wel eens informatie, die cruciaal voor de Amerikanen was, konden hebben en daarom verborgen hielden.
Suggesties van foltertechnieken, waren net zoals in Guantanamo Bay, afkomstig van toenmalig minister van Defensie, Donald Rumsfield. Rumsfield stuurde zijn stroman, majoor-generaal Geoffrey Miller, die zich in Guantanamo van de marteltechnieken meester had gemaakt, naar Abu Ghraib, ter opleiding van de groentjes.
Dit schandaal diende echter het daglicht nooit te zien, wat buiten Joseph Darby, een simpele militair die zich verzuchtte aan de Iraakse cultuur en geschiedenis, gerekend was. Charles Graner, die in Abu Ghraib de tijd van zijn leven had, gaf Darby een cd-rom met een gruwelijke fotoreeks. Een mens met een beetje geweten, zoals Darby, meldt zoiets meteen.
Na een onderzoek in de gevangenis, bleek een ramp te zijn gebeurt: de beelden waren door de netten van het leger in de wijde wereld geglipt. Sommige beelden die ons wel bekend zijn, zoals een piramide van naakte Irakezen met een zijn duimen opstekende glimlachende soldaat op de achtergrond.
De Amerikaanse overheid oefende een enorme druk uit op de media de beelden niet publiek te maken. Het mocht echter niet baten: de Australische zender SBS was de eerste die ze publiceerde.
Rumsfield, wiens handtekening onder de instructies tot foltering stond, zweeg in alle talen, maar bedankte Darby publiekelijk voor het aan het licht brengen van zeer ‘on-Amerikaanse’ praktijken. In november 2006 legde hij, samen met enkele anderen, met schande overladen, zijn ambt neer.
Er zijn nog steeds geen officiële cijfers van het dodenaantal in Abu Ghraib bekend gemaakt. En er zijn nog vele families die dagelijks met hoop in het hart naar de deur kijken, hopend dat die zal open worden gemaakt door hun vermiste naaste…

Filmavond: The Battle of Algiers

Naar aanleiding van de Algerijnse Revolutie op 1 november 1954, organiseert UvAS een filmavond met als vertoning de historisch-klassieke en uiterst revolutionaire ‘the Battle of Algiers’. Deze brengt het verhaal van de Algerijnse onafhankelijkheidsstrijd in het toen door Frankrijk bezette Algerije, en meerbepaald hoe deze strijd zich ontwikkelde in de hoofdstad Algiers tussen 1954 en 1957.

Inkom gratis.
Hapjes en drank gratis.

WEES ALLEN WELKOM!




On the occasion of the Algerian Revolution on 1 november 1954, UASE organizes a movienight on which the epochal and highly remarkable film ‘the Battle of Algiers’ will be shown. This movie reconstructs events as they substantially occurred in Algiers, the capital city of Algeria, between 1954 and 1957, during the Algerian War of Independence.

Free entrance.
Free snacks and drinks.

WE WELCOME YOU!

Gruwelijke mishandeling van huismeid in Saoudi-Arabië

Een aangrijpende video van een Sri-Lankaanse dienstmeid die werd mishandeld door haar Saudische werkgevers omdat ze protesteerde dat ze te hard werkte. Slavernij is pas wettelijk verboden in Saudi-Arabië sinds 1962. Helaas worden er nog steeds veel meiden, meestal afkomstig van Zuid-Oost Azië mishandeld door hun eigenaars.

Hamas Bashing

by Yassine Channouf

There is an ancient Greek saying which goes: 'if everyone agrees on one thing, then nobody has really been thinking'. In the case of Hamas' relation to Western media coverage, we really need another Renaissance in Europe. The Palestinian movement Hamas only appears in Western coverage of the Arab-Israeli conflict on two occasions; when Israel has pin-pointed and surgically neutralized a Hamas terrorist commander with some minor collateral damage. In plain English this becomes: Israel has yet again murdered a Hamas commander in an illegal act of extrajudicial killing causing the death of several innocent civilian bystanders; or Hamas will receive extended attention when they appear to have applied -let us be honest- a foolish ruling regarding the morals of public life in the Gaza strip. In past weeks Hamas has inexplicably forbidden the smoking of the shisha by women in public places, and has forbidden the usage of bras on plastic dolls. A couple of months ago Hamas issued a ruling which implied that all female lawyers should wear a head scarf whenever they entered court.
These are all foolish rulings which do not fall under the qualification of a resistance movement. But let us pierce the cliches surrounding Hamas and let us consider the environment in which Hamas operates. This mode is generally used to describe strange decisions by different actors in the political world, but in the case of Hamas this need not be done, since our prejudice leads us to conclude that Hamas is de facto an extremist Islamist group, or a terrorist one, which does not fall within the category 'logic'.
The Gaza-strip can only be defined as the largest open air prison in contemporary history. There is no influx of goods, except for those rare commodities Israel allows in. These do not include coriander, soda, soap, shoes, cement, etc. If you ask yourself what Israel allows in, it is a riddle to all of us. Likewise, Gazans do not export anything, except those rare individuals that are close to death, whom on rare occasions are allowed into Israel or Egypt. The entire economy is being strangulated by a blockade that extends its tentacles to the air, see and ground. Egypt, Israels loyal ally since the late seventies is not free from culpability.
This environment is the perfect breeding ground and textbook precursor for Islamic extremism Saudi-style, which creeps more and more into Gaza. Last summer, Hamas fought an intense battle with one of these Islamo-lunatics in Rafah. A Salafi preacher, Abdellatif Musa, proclaimed the infidelity of Hamas, thus legitimizing according to his narrow view of Islam the usage of violence in order to overthrow the Hamas government and create an Islamic Emirate in Jerusalem and its surroundings. The incoherence of these Salafi groups have often been discussed, but their false logic is a sad byproduct of the inhuman catastrophe that is unfolding in front of our eyes, with our silent consent. Of course there will be extremist individuals capitalizing on this momentum of despair, and Saudi-sponsored Islam can be found wherever there is frustration, oppression and intolerance.
Hamas is aware of this, and in order not to reengage in armed conflict with these destructive elements -no doubt an occurrence benefiting Israel- Hamas is trying to show that it is also capable of imposing 'Saudi-style' morality in the Strip, albeit with the limited impact of checking the power of their extreme rivals. An apt way of doing this is yielding to some minor changes, such as the prohibiting of lingerie in windows, and worse, the banning of shisha for women in public places. Seeing the precarious position of Hamas within Gaza, it has to take drastic steps in order to avoid a civil war, one which would pit brother against brother. And if Hamas is really earnest in enforcing such foolish measures, it is digging its own grave concerning their claim of being a resistance organization.
But the bottom point is this: no blockade of Gaza means no disillusionment. No disillusionment means less despair. Less despair means a more open and tolerant environment, one which Palestinian society has exhibited throughout her rich and diverse history.

لماذا لم يدخل الخطابي إلى مليلية لاسترجاعها؟

إسماعيل حمودي*

بعد انتصاره في أنوال: لماذا لم يدخل الأمير بن عبد الكريم إلى مليلية لاسترجاعها؟

تحل غدا ذكرى مرور 89 عاما على معركة أنوال الشهيرة، حيث قضى الثوار الريفيون بقيادة محمد بن عبد الكريم الخطابي على الجيش الإسباني بأسره، في "مثلث لم يكن يذكره أحد لا في الجغرافيا ولا في التاريخ، إنه مثلث إغريبن وادهار أوبران وأنوال، الذي أصبح أشهر من نار على علم، بل أصبح رمزا لعزة المغرب وشرفا للمغاربة"(الإدريسي). غير أن الإشكال المحير الذي لا زال يشغل الباحثين هو لماذا لم يقدم الأمير محمد بن عبد الكريم الخطابي على استرجاع مليلية وقد انهار كل الجيش الإسباني في المثلث المذكور؟

ذلك أنه بعد أنوال، تابع الأمير بن عبد الكريم انتصاراته المظفرة حتى جبل أعروي، حيث وقعت معركة استمرت 15 يوما، وضُرب الحصار على الجيش الاسباني وقائده الجنرال "نفارو" الذي استسلم في النهاية، ووجد المجاهدون الطريق سالكا بعد ذلك إلى مليلية، حيث طوقوا المدينة، وقذفوها ببعض القذائف، وظلوا يحاصرونها خمسة عشر يوما، وبينما هم ينتظرون قرار القيادة العليا بالاقتحام، واسترجاع مدينة محتلة منذ خمسة قرون، استعصت على المغرب الرسمي والشعبي مرات عديدة، جاء الأمر صادما وحاسما ونهائيا بعدم الدخول إليها. ومن دون شك، يعد الموقف السياسي للأمير المنتصر خطأ استراتيجيا وعسكريا كبيرا في مسيرته التحررية. وقد حاول الباحثون تفسير موقفه انطلاقا من أربع فرضيات هي:

الأولى: ترتكز في كشف خلفيات الموقف الذي اتخذه بن عبد الكريم، في كون القيادة لم تكن قد تركزت في شخص واحد بعد، "يكون له الرأي الذي يقبل وينفذ من الجميع، بل إن جماعة المجاهدين وقتها لم تكن قواتها قد نظمت بعد بطريقة تمكن من حمايتها، كما أن القيادة التي لم تكن قد أسندت لابن عبد الكريم، والجماعة مبهورة بما تحقق لها من نصر، بل ولم يصبح لها تخطيط سياسي إلا بعد ثلاثة أشهر، أي بعد تكوين الجماعة"(عبد الكريم الفيلالي). وذلك في المؤتمر الثاني الذي انتخبت فيه الحكومة ومؤسسات الإمارة الريفية في شتنبر 1921. يشير الفيلالي هنا إلى أن قبائل عديدة لم تكن قد انقادت بعد للأمير بن عبد الكريم، وبسبب ذلك، وقعت أحداث عنف وقتل خارج سيطرته، يخبرنا محمد عمر القاضي أنه في معركة أعروي، في الطريق إلى مليلية، وعندما "أمر الجنرال (نفارو) جيشه بالاستسلام والكف عن إطلاق النار، تقدم إليه بعض الأعيان فأخرجوه بمشقة من معسكره هو وثلاثين من الضباط معه،...وأخذوهم أسرى"، أما "الباقي من الجيش فقد قتل عن آخره"، والسبب في ذلك هو أن نظام المجاهدين كان قد اختل في هذه المعركة بسبب اختلاط القبائل التي كانت خاضعة للإسبان، وكانت لم تنضم بعد إلى صفوف المجاهدين المنظمين. وهو ما أغضب ابن عبد الكريم وتأسف له.

الثانية: ترتكز على جواب بن عبد الكريم نفسه عن سؤال لصحفي فرنسي، حول عدم دخوله لمليلية، إذ أكد أن "رجالنا مفتقرون، حتى الآن إلى الانضباط، وسوف يقضون على المدنيين"، وفي موضع آخر، أكد ذلك بقوله "ولكني أوصيتهم بالقوة نفسها، والإلحاح نفسه، على أن لا يحتلوا مليلية، اجتنابا لإثارة تعقيدات دولية". ويخبرنا محمد أزرقان، وزير خارجية الجمهورية الريفية، في مذكراته، أنه على أبواب مليلية "تفاوض أعيان من المجاهدين الذين من جملتهم السيد محمد بن عبد الكريم، والسيد محمد أزرقان وغيرهم في شأن الاستيلاء على مليليا، وحصل اتفاقهم على عدم الدخول إليها، خشية الفتك بمن فيها من أجانب ومسلمين، وليس في هذا الإبان عندهم عسكر نظامي يحافظ على ترك النهب، وقتل النساء والصبيان من الإسبان وغيره" . فالمبرر الأخلاقي، ومقتضيات العدل والإنصاف، وأوامر الشرع، كلها حتمت على بن عبد الكريم عدم الدخول إلى مليلية، بل إن أزرقان يخبرنا بواقعة حدثت قبل قيام حركة الريف التحررية أصلا، في اجتماع جمع أزرقان مع البشير بن السناح قائد محلة مخزنية بعث بها السلطان لمقاتلة بوحمارة، ثم انتهى به المطاف عميلا لدى الإسبان، في مليلية، "فقال له ابن السناح مع الحاضرين: إذا وصلتم للناضور فلا تقفوا بل ادخلوا مليليا من غير توقف، وهو يظهر التهكمات على مقاله، وقال لهم(ابن عبد الكريم): سترون ذلك، غير أننا لا غرض لنا بالدخول لمليليا، لأنها بها النساء والصبيان والأجانب، ولا يمكننا الفتك بهم، وليس عندنا عسكر نظامي ليقوم بالمحافظة على من ذكر، حتى لا تعم الفتنة العدو وغيره". ومما يؤكد هذا الطرح أن الرعب كان يسيطر على مليلية، بعدما انهزم الجيش الإسباني في أنوال وأعروي، حتى أن شاهد عيان كتب يقول: "في صباح 23 يوليوز 1921، كان الخوف والهلع يسكنان القلوب، وما أن جرت شائعة تقول: إن المغاربة يزحفون نحو المدينة، وإنهم يستعدون للدخول إليها(..) وجرى الناس في الأزقة طائشين قاصدين ملجأ القلعة القديمة(..) وفي غمرة هبوط همة السكان كانت هنالك مشاهد فضيعة". إن الدخول لمدينة هذا حالها ـ حتى وإن حقق نصرا عسكرياـ فإنه سيكون انتكاسة أخلاقية وقيمية وإنسانية، وذلك مما لا يجيزه الشرع أيضا.

ثالثا: على الرغم من قوة الحجج التي استندت عليها الفرضية الثانية، أي الطرح الأخلاقي والقيمي، فإنه لا يمكن استبعاد فرضية ثالثة لها وجاهتها، خاصة وأن عبد الكريم أكد بنفسه، في موضع آخر، أن عدم دخوله لمليلية حصل منه "اجتنابا لإثارة تعقيدات دولية"؛ لأن المغرب كانت تربطه اتفاقيات ومعاهدات مع إسبانيا، ومنها اتفاقية الجزيرة الخضراء في سنة 1906، ثم معاهدة الحماية في سنة 1912، وابن عبد الكريم الخطابي كان يعلم ذلك جيدا بحكم تكوينه وخبراته، حيث تتبع التفاصيل الدقيقة لتلك الاتفاقيات، لمّا كان يعمل صحفيا في "تلغرافة ذي الريف"، وأيضا لما كان في جهاز المخابرات الإسبانية في مليلية، ومن جهة ثانية بحكم علاقاته واتصالاته بدوائر استعمارية في اسبانيا وفرنسا، فالرجل كانت "تصله رسائل أوربيين سامين، بل كان لديه مخبرون ذوو شأن بمدريد وباريس، وحتى في أروقة قصر بوربون، وفي بعض الوزارات، كان يعلم من مصادر مؤكدة أن تنحية تامة للأثر الإسباني، قد تؤدي إلى ردود فعل دولية خطيرة من شأنها أن تكسر، في تلك الفترة، حركة التحرير التي يقودها، وهي ما تزال في بدايتها، فهاجسه آنذاك كان يتمثل في الخوف من تدخل فرنسي ومكثف، وكان قد حذره كثير من أصدقائه بوشك وقوعه" . إن إزاحة الإسبان نهائيا عن الريف، يعني أنها لم تستطع القيام بالدور الذي خولته إياها المعاهدات السابقة الذكر، والتمكين لـ "السيطرة الريفية"، يمكن أن تؤدي إلى "إعادة النظر في الاتفاقيات المبرمة، ولم يكن الأمير يجهل أن فرنسا ستعترض على ذلك بأية وسيلة، فتوسيع مجال فتوحاته، كان يعني إثارة المعارضة الفرنسية وهو لم يكن يريد إثارتها" . كما أن الاستيلاء على مليلية أمر مختلف تماما عن الدفاع عن أرض القبيلة، إنه "إعلان لحرب واسعة النطاق لم تكن لديه بعد وسائل خوضها، سيّما وأن أمل التفاوض كان لا يزال يراوده"، فهو إذن كان يريد أن "يعطي للإسبان- حسب جون وولف- فرصة جديدة للاحترام شروط تعاون جديد مبني على المساواة في الحقوق.. وقد أعلن عن ذلك من سلطته". خاصة وأن الرجل منذ البدء كان يدعو إلى السلم والتعاون بين الريف والإسبان.

رابعا: إن غياب قوة بحرية لحركة التحرر الريفية ـ وهي في بدايتهاـ، قد تكون إحدى الاعتبارات التي دفعته إلى عدم الإقدام على دخول مليلية، فالذين رأوا في قرار ابن عبد الكريم خطأ عسكريا، لم ينتبهوا إلى أن "الأمير كان يفتقر إلى القوات البحرية"، ولذلك، فرغم تحريره لكل أراضي الريف من الاحتلال الإسباني، ظلت اسبانيا تحتل جزيرتي بادس والنكور بإقليم الحسيمة- على مقربة من عاصمته أجدير- وكذلك جزر شفريناس برأس كبدانة إقليم الناظور، وعجز الأمير عن تحرير هذه الجزر المحتلة في الريف من قبضة إسبانيا كان بسبب قوتها البحرية" . فميزان القوى البحري لم يكن في صالح الحركة التحررية لابن عبد الكريم. وهذا الاعتبار صحيح إلى أبعد الحدود، إذ يجب أن ندرك أن المغرب الرسمي أيضا عانى تاريخيا من الضعف على هذا المستوى، فغياب قوة بحرية أدى في النهاية إلى فشل 14 حصار، و59 هجوم ضد الإسبان داخل مليلية . وليس ذلك في زمن العلويين فقط، بل منذ زمن يوسف بن تاشفين مؤسس دولة المرابطين.

فالدولة المرابطية- وهي التي وحّدت جزء من الغرب الإسلامي تحت سلطتها- لم تستطع أبدا أن تصبح قوة بحرية في المنطقة، بل إنها لم تستكمل توحيد المغرب، وتهب لنجدة المسلمين في الأندلس إلا بمساعدة القوة البحرية الأندلسية، ويعود ذلك لعدة أسباب؛ بعضها متعلق بأصول المرابطين الصحراوية، وبعضها الآخر يتصل بالظروف التي تكونت فيها السلطة المرابطية نفسها . وحتى إذا كانت الدولة الموحدية قد ظهرت في زمنها قوة بحرية على المستوى الصناعي والتقني، ناتجة بالأساس عن تراكم علمي ومعرفي وتقني في الميدان الملاحي، وناتج عن سياسة مبرمجة وتخطيط محكم، فإن الباحثين يرون أن تلك الظاهرة كانت عابرة ومجرد حادث معزول وليس له ما قبله ولا بعده . بدليل أن عبد المومن الكّومي عندما تحرك لفتح المهدية سنة 554هـ، لم يكن أسطوله يتجاوز 70 قطعة بحرية، وعجز عن منع وصول الإمدادات إلى المدينة من صقلية مما أطال الحصار، بينما كانت عدد سفن صقلية المرسلة لدعم صمود المهدية 150 قطعة .

وعندما بدأت أوربا في التوسع الاستعماري، حيث أقدمت فرنسا على احتلال الجزائر سنة 1830، كانت القوة البحرية المغربية قد بدأت تضعف بصورة ملموسة في عهد محمد الثالث، بعد تحسن سابق، وأصبح المغرب محاصرا بأساطيل قوية من فرنسا وإسبانيا وإنجلترا، وكلها جاثمة بموانئه أو بجواره، وكلها أغنتها الكشوفات العلمية وخيرات المستعمرات. ولم تكن قوات المغرب البحرية ـ مع وجود حصار فرنسي شرقا وإسباني شمالاـ كافية لسد النقص الخطير الذي عرفه المغرب في الميدان الحربي، ولم يعد يتوفر في عهد مولاي عبد الرحمان على أكثر من سبع بواخر حربية، منها اثنتان في حالة عطب.

تلك إذن أهم الخلفيات التي يُرجح أن الخطابي قد استند عليها في قراره بعدم الدخول إلى مليلية، وكلها تمتلك قوة حجية معتبرة، لكنها تؤكد جميعا أن الأمير محمد بن عبد الكريم الخطابي ارتكب خطأ استراتيجيا كبيرا بعدم دخوله إلى مليلية. فالتطور السياسي والعسكري الذي بدأ بالصراع الدموي، كان يُفترض أن ينتهي إلى التوازن، وذلك بأن يفرض بن عيد الكريم واقعا جديدا يؤهله للتفاوض على الأقل، ليس مع الإسبان فقط بل مع الفرنسيين خاصة. وهو إن فشل في ذلك، فقد ارتد عليه الوضع من جديد بتحالف فرنسي إسباني، وهما عدوين لبعضهما حينها، تحالف بموجبه اتخذ الإسبان من مليلية قاعدة عسكرية للهجوم من جديد، في حين صعّد الفرنسيون هجومهم من الجنوب، وكانت نهاية الثورة والأمير معا سنة 1926م.

*صحفي وباحث

Open Letter to the Turkish ambassador in Belgium

Grief and disbelief are merely two of the many sentiments we share with the Turkish people after they lost nine of their most noble compatriots as a consequence of an action which cannot be described in words alone. On one side, we had the benevolent camp, bravely and altruistically sailing towards a besieged and collectively punished people in order to bring them much required aid. The other camp is a conniving one, whose vile character leads it to constantly scheme against the people it occupies and against those who care for them. The end justifies the means, is the only thing it raises interest in as it is not afraid to conduct piracy or kill children, two of the many attributes of a colonial state with military supremacy. These two opposing forces collided in the Mediterranean, and we all know how this ended.

As usual, sadness struck the peace-loving, all heart victims first, while the aggressor boasts over the incredible feeling of shooting randomly into an unarmed mob. He may even boast over feeling like a god, being able to decide over life and death. The aggressor will mockingly describe to those in his barrack, whom did not participate in the massacre, how amusing it was to see the victims 'beg for their lives'. However, haughtiness soon made way and defensiveness was Israel’s reaction after the Turkish government announced that the era of Israeli impunity is over. The Turkish prime Minister Erdogan addressed humanity in his speech which did not give way to any interpretation. Israel will pay, Erdogan assured the world. The life of the martyrs for humanity are lost forever, but the Turkish government and the Turkish people can still make sure that their noble sacrifice was not in vain.

Turkey, as the embodiment of a proud nation with its rich history, must react in such manner that it does not decrease any of its proud standing in the world. It would be a disgrace to Turkish pride, if the only official Turkish reaction was a temporary recalling of its ambassador. As a strategic ally, Turkey can do many things to ensure that justice will prevail and make Israel pay dearly for the loss of the Turkish heroes. The only reasonable and balanced reaction, after the humiliation of the Turkish ambassador in Israel and the spilling of innocent Turkish blood, is an immediate and definite closing of the Zionist embassy in Ankara, which is the darkest place in whole Turkey. In addition to that, it is of highly importance that Turkey aborts all economic and military cooperation with Israel. How can the Turkish army cooperate and participate in joint drills with an army that kills innocent Turkish citizens in open sea? Israel must be denied the privilege to trade freely in Turkey. And the most symbolic deed Turkey can perform, is to abort unilaterally the treaty which ensures a continuous flow of precious Turkish water to Israel.

The will of the Turkish people is clear and it does not contradict any of the Arab sentiments. Now it is up to the democratic Turkish government to turn the tables and assume its leading role in making justice prevail. We offer our condolences and deepest sympathy to the families of the Turkish martyrs, and we welcome Turkey in its just stance on Israel and its allies.

The Union of Arab Students in Europe

The Nakba and Israel: reality vs. myth

by Yassine Channouf
“And if all others accepted the lie which the Party imposed—if all records told the same tale—then the lie passed into history and became truth. 'Who controls the past' ran the Party slogan, 'controls the future: who controls the present controls the past.'" George Orwell, without knowing it, had cast a prophetic glance at the entity which proclaimed its independence in the same year he wrote his novel “1984”. On the 15th of May, 1948, under the portrait of the founder of the Zionist ideology Theodore Herzl, the first Israeli PM David Ben Gurion proclaimed the independence of the state of Israel on the ruins of Palestine. There was a rush of countries willing to recognize this newly founded state: the Soviet Union, America, Iran, Turkey, Belgium, the Netherlands, and many more hastened to the recognition of Israel. As the political leaders were busying themselves welcoming delegates from different countries and responding to telex-messages, the native Arab population of Palestine set out on a forced emigration that endures until the present.
For decades the historical version of the tragedy of the Palestinians, engraved in their hearts as the Nakba (Arabic for catastrophe), was only familiar to the Palestinians and other Arabs, in addition to certain intellectuals of revolutionary Third World countries. Because, in accordance to Orwell's logic, Israel possessed the 'present' since its eruption until the creation of a Palestinian resistance in 1967, and the second invasion of Lebanon in 1982, their version of history was accredited with the epitome 'truthful'. History is indeed written by the winners. Their attempt to destroy all facets of Palestine were considered legal, even praiseworthy. Golda Meir, strengthened in her ardor, could without remorse proclaim that 'there is no such thing as a Palestinian people'.
Alas for the descendants of Golda Meir and David Ben Gurion, their military supremacy did not last for long: it reached its limits. At the hands of a joint Palestinian-Lebanese resistance, Israel was checked in Lebanon and forced to retreat from most of the soil it had previously occupied. This invasion was supported by the United States, until evidence turned up of the massacre at the Palestinian refugee camps of Sabra and Chatilla -or what remained of these camps. Israels unswerving allies of the right-wing Christian Phalangist militia butchered under the watchful eye of the Israeli military more than 2000 Palestinian and Lebanese, after Beirut was cleansed of the Palestinian military presence. This opened the eyes of many around the world: from academics to activist to the general public. The righteous victims that the Israelis claimed to be aided brutal murderers? A drastic remise en question ensued on the topics of Zionism and Israel. But it was not until the rise of certain Israeli historians that even the most skeptic of Zionophiles frowned upon the official Zionist history of the Nakba.
In a country where servitude to the state is a virtue, the Israeli historians all ruminated the propagandistic version that was promoted by the state. A U-turn did occur in the eighties in the wake of the second Lebanon invasion, but the real reason behind this U-turn lies in the interplay between a nations image drastically being questioned and the release of the military archives of the late forties. A quick glance into these files shows unequivocally that millions of people were brainwashed for over 30 years. A new generation of historians, dubbed 'The New Israeli Historians' drastically rewrote the founding history of Israel, coming to terms with reality. They did not engage in such an endeavor because of their sudden found humanism, but rather, because the perversions were so clear that the official Israeli history was hardly worth the epitaph myth. Some of these New Israeli Historians are Avi Shlaim, Tom Segev, Benny Morris and Ilan Pape.
A moral dilemma was the result. Are we holding on to our criminal and blood soaked mythical version of history, or are we at least going to recognize the suffering of the Palestinians at our hands? All New Historians criticized Israel, albeit for different reasons. Avi Shlaim and Ilan Papé reproached Israel for the crimes it had perpetrated against the Palestinians: the massacres, the forced evictions, the rapes, etc. Benny Morris on the other hand criticizes the founding fathers for different reasons. The ethnic cleansing of Palestine was not only equitable, including all the rapes, the murders, the forced evictions, the dynamized graveyards, etc. which he sees as accidents de parcours. Rather, it was not enough! Israels ills are not that it cleansed more than 500 Palestinian cities and villages. Israels mistake is that it did not cleanse ALL Palestinian villages and cities from its original inhabitants. According to Morris, the Jews as a people gave more to the world than the Palestinians ever will. So they are entitled to drive out an entire people because of all they rendered the world. Morris expands this topic and states that the genocide on the American natives by the European colonists was completely legitimate, for the descendants of the European colonists gave the world more than the native Americans ever will in the realms of technology and culture. The Israeli public opted to go for the Benny Morris version of history. And Ilan Papé, the Israeli New Historian who criticized Israel for its massacres, rapes and plundering left Israel forever and stopped being a Zionists altogether.

Some falsifications:
No year has been so decisive for the history of the Palestinians as 1948. Therefore it is of immense importance to construct a just history based on facts in order to understand the Palestinian struggle. It is therefore incumbent upon any narrative of the Palestinian history to deconstruct certain notions and to purify it from all the taints and mythical falsifications.

A first blatant falsification is the claim that the British impeded the Zionist project of nation building, whereas the Palestinian national aspirations received all the British support. It was Great-Britain which enhanced the diplomatic chances for the survival of the Zionist project by issuing the Balfour declaration in 1917 and endorsing it actively. This ensured Britain's support for a Jewish national home, if it did not obstruct the rights of the indigenous population who remain nameless in this declaration which reads: '...His Majesty's government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, and will use their best endeavors to facilitate the achievement of this object, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine.' These nameless communities are the indigenous Palestinian Arab inhabitants that formed some 90% of the inhabitants of Palestine in 1917. The putting in practice of this endorsement already occurred in 1920, when the British firmly occupied Palestine militarily. They appointed Sir Herbert Samuel as the civilian High Commissioner. Herbert Samuel was not only Jewish, but an ardent Zionist. The British also provided the Zionists with military training, and turned a blind eye when the Zionists kept most of the equipment which they used in order to form their separate militias; Irgun, Haganah, Stern and Lehi. And last but not least, the Jewish minority composed mainly of newly arrived migrants from Eastern Europe were allocated a disproportionate amount of funds. This was the result of the clear British bias which led the Palestinians to boycott the politics of occupation.

A second fiction often narrated pertains the Palestinian leadership, or more precisely the lack of it. Zionist sources often attribute the failing Palestinian national project to the lack of any Palestinian popular power, or the existence of a Palestinian political elite. In hindsight, this argument is quite feeble, since it was this national Palestinian leadership with whom the first Zionist leaders tried to do 'business' with in the first place.
Great-Britain, a colonial power with two centuries of experience, mastered the old technique of divide and rule. It set up the two most influential Palestinian families against each other; the Husseinis against the Nashashibis, and set the Palestinian rural population up against the city dwellers. The Palestinian High Commissioner, who as mentioned before was a Jewish Zionist, appointed a Nashashibi to the important post of mayor of Jerusalem, and would counter his position by appointing a Husseini to another important post creating disorder in the Palestinian camp. The traditional equation was that the Husseinis, whose base of power was Jerusalem, would be alloted to post of mayor and the Nashashibis were traditionally granted the position of Mufti. The British occupation shifted this precarious balance. This ensured the domination of neither and the continuation of rivalries. It was not until the Palestinian Revolt of 1936, ignited by Izz al-Din al-Qassam, that the Palestinian upper-class was shook on its very foundations. Their inability to quell the Palestinian resistance led the British colonizers to conclude that this segment had become an irrelevant segment of Palestine. Thus, it forced those elements of the upper class who sympathized with the revolt to flee, while the revolting Palestinian peasants declared many areas liberated from both the colonizer and the notable families.
British intermingling and disrupting of Palestinian life even seeped through into the religious realm. It were the British who decided not to ratify an election and appointed Hajj Amin al-Husseini to the position of Mufti in 1921, despite him clearly losing the election among his peers. This ill-famed figure is incessantly mentioned by Zionists as the embodiment of all Palestinian evil. After the Palestinian Revolt of 1936 Hajj Amin fled to Nazi Germany where he sought asylum. He unequivocally supported the Palestinian uprising, and the British, in their corroboration of the Zionist nation-building process exiled, arrested or executed the Palestinian leadership. Naturally, Hajj Amin found refuge among Britain's enemies. It should not be forgotten that even Great-Britain sealed a deal with Nazi-Germany in 1938. This was the Munich Pact in which the British government reiterated their recognition of Nazi Germany and complied with Hitlers wish to annex (Anschluss) Czechoslovakia.
But it is troublesome to consider Hajj Amin a legitimate representative of the aspiration of his people. Let us conceive of an Italy being occupied by Lybia, instead of Libya being occupied by Italy. Imagine Libya appointing a pope to its liking. The new pope who has embraced Catholicism might even be George Bush Junior, and with his miraculous visions of God this pious ex-President agrees to serve the Libyan regime. What would the credibility be in case this scenario enfolds?
The Muslim leader of the Palestinian, if anyone is entitled to carry this title, was prior to the Great Revolt of 1936-39 none less than Izz al-Din al-Qassam. This religious activist fled occupied Syria in 1921 because of his anti-colonial activities which were deemed subversive by the French occupation. This cleric of high learning erected different cells independent of the nepotist urban elite led by the Nashashibi and Husseini clans. Izz al-Din was aware of the fact that peasants represent the true aspirations of the people in any authentic liberation movement. He died relatively early in the uprising he ignited, but his movement succeeded nonetheless in the temporal overthrowing of the Palestinian upper-class, and caused nightmares to the British who were impotent to extinguish the flames of a revolution. In 1939 the British reinforced their military presence in Palestine by sending a new contingent and allowing the Zionist militias to partake in the quelling of this resistance. The Royal Air Forces subjected the liberated Palestinian territories to increased bombardment. By 1948 the Palestinian political elite had been effectively eliminated after more than a decade of intimidation, imprisonment, exile or worse.

A third fiction is that the Palestinian community was a highly violent one which only understood the language of force. Their mistake was according to the Zionist historians that they only applied force in order to reach their goals. Nothing comes closer to the truth than the opposite of this statement. In fact, the longest non-violent collective action organized by any of the colonized peoples comes from the Palestinians. Prior to the great Revolt, in a period in which 3 quarters of the world was colonized, the Palestinians set a Gandhian example to the world worthy of emulation. The Palestinians organized in 1935 under the leadership of Izz al-Din al-Qassam a general strike that lasted for about 6 months. But just as in India this act of civil disobedience was harshly put down by the British and their Zionist allies. Colonialism has its particular methodology and colonized people alter their methods in correspondence with the reality on the ground. As Frantz Fanon points out: 'The existence of an armed struggle shows that the people are decided to trust to violent methods only. He of whom they have never stopped saying that the only language he understands is that of force, decides to give utterance by force. In fact, as always, the settler has shown him the way he should take if he is to become free. The argument the native chooses has been furnished by the settler, and by an ironic turning of the tables it is the native who now affirms that the colonialist understands nothing but force. The colonial regime owes its legitimacy to force and at no time tries to hide this aspect of things.'
A fourth fiction is that the Zionist settlers purchased most of the Arab land which became Israel in 1948. Indeed, they did purchase some land from the Palestinian bourgeoisie. This amounted in 1948 to some 6% of mandate Palestine over the course of 70 years. Continuing at this pace, the settlers would have purchased all of Palestine over a time span of 1100 years. So by the year 2982 the whole of Palestine would have become Jewish owned, or to remain in the field of the reasonable, by the year of 2500, these settlers would have constituted a majority in having purchased half the lands.

A fifth popular fiction is the Zionist claim that the War of Independence was a David vs. Goliath venture. The hungry and poverty stricken Jews who just survived a Holocaust faced several armies, who were better equipped and mustered more men to arms. As renowned scholar William Cleveland puts it: 'The legend of a defenseless, newborn Israel facing the onslaught of hordes of Arab soldiers does not correspond to reality. During the first round of fighting from May 15 to June 11, 1948, the combined Arab armies numbered around 21.500, whereas the Haganah and its affiliated units fielded a force of some 30.000... The Israelis entered the next round of combat (July 9-18) with markedly superior forces. The size of the Haganah was doubled and its firepower substantially increased.' The number of Arabs engaged in the fighting stagnated during the course of the war.
To put in proper perspective the poor performance of the Arabs in 1948 it is noteworthy that most Arab states were either still colonized, or were only granted independence shortly before the Nakba, after some crippling decades of colonialism and deprivation. The French occupiers only left Syria and Lebanon in 1946 after subjecting Damascus to a volley of rockets which killed some 500 civilians on the day they left that city. The Lebanese army was officially at war with Israel in 1948 but they never intended to cross into the territory of mandate Palestine. The Syrians sent some army units into Palestine but these were only limited numbers as the Syrian state and its apparatuses were still being built after several centuries of foreign domination. The largest Arab independent country was Egypt, but the only reason why the latter was granted independence by the British was on the condition that it would follow Great-Britain in its foreign policy. In addition to that, Egypt had to tolerate British military presence in the vicinity of the Suez-Canal, which is a highly strategic channel close to mandate Palestine. King Farouq nonetheless sent several hundreds of soldiers and irregulars into Palestine, but, as Jamal abd al-Nasser who participated in this offensive recollects: 'The Egyptian army at the time was made up of nine battalions. Only three of these were anywhere near the frontier when the order was given to enter Palestine ... There was no concentration of forces, no accumulation, no ammunition and equipment. There was no reconnaissance, no intelligence, no plans ...'. The terrible performance of the Egyptian army in 1948 was the main catalysis for the Free Officers Coup in 1952.
The role of Transjordan during the Nakba is the most interesting one, since the Arab Legion of Transjordan was by far the best equipped army that was engaged in battle with the Zionists militias. One anecdote will suffice to summarize the loyalty of its king Abdallah I to the Palestinian cause. Before sending in any troops Abdallah had been negotiating with Golda Meir in order to draw the future boundaries of the states of Israel and Transjordan. There was no mention of Palestine in the mind of Abdallah. He stated that he did not want to "resist or impede the partition of Palestine and creation of a Jewish state”. So before the start of hostilities, the strongest of Arab armies promised not to attack the area designated by the U.N. Partition Plan for a future Jewish state. The Yishuv had effectively neutralized the strongest Arab force before the fighting even started.
And then there was Saudi Arabia. This Kingdom announced it would also fight Israel. But as the previous head of Saudi Intelligence Ahmad Badieb states: Saudi Arabia told its citizens in 1948 that the Zionists would only occupy 5% of Palestine. There is no mention of any Saudi soldier who joined the Palestinian struggle in 1948.

The last and most poignant of Zionist distortions is the Palestinian refugee problem. Benny Morris, the most right-wing of the New Historians unambiguously claims that Plan Dalet was a campaign that 'provided for the conquest and permanent occupation, or leveling, or Arab villages and towns'. This was nothing nothing new. As David Ben Gurion, the leader of the Zionist Movement already proclaimed in 1938: 'With compulsory transfer we have a vast area [for settlement] .... I support compulsory transfer. I don't see anything immoral in it'. In order to secure as much land as possible for the nascent Jewish State, the Jewish minority had to get rid of the Arab Palestinian majority. To reach this end the Zionist militias did not shy away from as Ilan Pappe puts it '...bombarding villages, setting fire to homes properties and goods, expulsion, demolition and planting mines among the rubble to prevent any of the expelled inhabitants from returning.' This is only in addition to the numerous known cases of rape, the poisoning of water supplies, the dozens of massacres etc.
The massacre of Deyr Yassin in April 1948, so prior to the 'massive Arab invasion' is often seen as the perfect example of the putting in practice of Plan Dalet. The Irgun Militia, led by future Noble Peace Winner Menachem Begin, attacked the village of Deyr Yassin. This village was located in that part of Palestine that was designated for a future Arab state. Deyr Yassin also had a treaty with a nearby Jewish settlement which ensured their peaceful coexistence. But this is exactly why Deyr Yassin was attacked. It sent a clear message to the Palestinian cities and villages. No one is safe. The message was comprehended. This massacre, combined with many others of its kind, led many Palestinians to flee their native villages and cities. Zionists however have always claimed that it were the Arab invading armies that sent radio broadcasts to the Palestinian population urging them to flee. All New Israeli Historians deny this preposterous claim. The Palestinian exodus already took place prior to the so called Arab invasion of May 1948.
So despite the preponderance of evidence which suggests that the Zionists intended to transfer the Palestinian population to the neighboring states, as the contemporary Zionist leaders put so euphemistically, there are still certain 'historians' who claim that the Palestinian left on their own accord. Between 700.000 and 800.000 thousand Palestinians were evicted from Palestine in 1948. The United Nations General Assembly passed Resolution 194 on December 11, 1948, which goes:
'Resolves that the refugees wishing to return to their homes and live at peace with their neighbours should be permitted to do so at the earliest practicable date, and that compensation should be paid for the property of those choosing not to return and for loss of or damage to property which, under principles of international law or in equity, should be made good by the Governments or authorities responsible.'
Israel has yet to abide by the will of the international community and continues to act like a pariah state. They were able to conceal this for several decades. But no longer. George Orwell wrote that: 'In a time of universal deceit, telling the truth is a revolutionary act'. This is no longer necessary. The bulk of the world already knows it.

Statement on the occasion of the 65 anniversary of the Massacre of Sétif

The 8th of May marks Nazi Germany's capitulation. Exactly 65 years ago, the atrocious second World War ended and one of the most horrible chapters in human history was seemingly closed. But atrocity did not end with Hitler committing suicide on April 30th, nor with the unconditional surrender of Nazi Germany on May 8 1945. On that same day another event occurred that showed the true face of the victorious forces of Allied Europe. The French Free Forces butchered more than 30.000 Algerians in Sétif because they too wanted an end to oppression and colonization, and join the club of those who wanted to benefit from European universalism and emancipation in order to taste the sweet, yet exclusive fruits of freedom and equality.

The massacre of Sétif is hardly mentioned in our history books, but this occurrence is immortalized as the start of Algeria's war for independence. France genocidal counter effort to impede the Algerian's claim for nationhood and self-determination resulted in the death of 1.5 million Algerians and volunteers from neighboring countries, most of them arriving from Morocco. These martyrs of freedom and independence never received their due honor. No European power ever demanded the setting up of an inquiry into these horrible events. There never came any formal apology from the French government for their well recorded atrocities. The French equivalents of the Nazis who committed these crimes against humanity were never brought to justice.

Instead of facing a Nuremberg court these criminals are referred to as heroes and have received countless medals. Some of these criminals are Charles de Gaulle, Jean-Marie le Pen, Fernand Gambiez, Raoul Salan and Paul Aussaresses. Therefore, those who are still alive such Le Pen and Aussaresses must face trial willy-nilly. In imitation of the Eichmann and Pinochet trials, or the more recent Khmer Rouge trial in Cambodia, it is about time to set up an Arab tribunal with the explicit goal of arresting and bringing to court of every suspect of the colonial era in order to turn this dark page forever. All means are justified to force France and other European countries to pay compensations for the crimes they committed.

If these demands seem too radical, let us not forget what France claims to stand for. Let us not forget that it is this same France which was never done talking of Man, and never stopped proclaiming that they were only anxious for the welfare of Man. Today, more than any other day, we know with what sufferings humanity has paid for every of its triumphs.

Never to forgive, never to forget!



some of the scars of the French civilizational mission

Europe and the collective failure of its pro-Palestinian activists

by Yassine Channouf

April 17th marks Prisoners Day. The date can be held in two ways: just another of the days in which we focus on Palestine in addition to Land and Nakba-Day, ... or to perceive it as a unique occasion in which we highlight the plight of the most vulnerable of Israel's victims; the prisoners. Confined in their cells, surrounded by barbed wire, watchtowers, ditches, spending years away from their families, their voices are rarely heard. And as always, Israel is winning the propaganda war. It clamors for the release of its' lone prisoner G. Shalit, whose picture stands at life size in Rome, at the city hall with the inscription 'Rome wants its citizen Gilad Shalit free'.
The pro-Palestinian movement in Europe has come a long way from the confines of a politically polarized - and thus shallow and diminutive - cold war Europe. For example, the Dutch branch of the International Red Cross, the ideal standard in non-partisan humanitarian work, refused to collect blood for the Arab victims of the June War in 1967, no matter that Israel was the belligerent. At that time there was no pro-Palestine entity, no voice for the refugees to speak of. In fact, barely anyone knew what Palestine stood for. The exceptional actions of the PFLP and its splinter movement PFLP-External Operations, led by Wadi Haddad, changed this. These two organizations attempted to bring the plight of dispersed - or evicted - Palestinians to the world's attention, and succeeded.

Anno 2010, the pro-Palestinian movement has matured, but still lacks the impressive unity and organization of the Zionist lobby. Standing close to the Arab European League, notorious for its' official complaint to Belgium against Ariel Sharon for inciting genocide, I was able to judge the conduct of other so called pro-Palestinian movements. There are sharp rifts on critical issues; support for armed resistance, the how-many-state-solution, the position vis-à-vis the sanctity of the uncountable UN-resolutions. We have seen in the wake of the illegal invasion of Iraq a clear and unequivocal denouncement of this nascent calamity. This unanimity did not last long.

A Palestinian intifada which had become increasingly violent already split the movement in two. Those who were highly critical of the resistance shared many of the features of their leftist predecessors during the colonial era. Jean-Paul Sartre describes these paternalistic elements in his preface to Frantz Fanon's 'The Wretched of the Earth' as :' The Left at home is embarrassed; they know the true situation of the natives, the merciless oppression they are submitted to; they do not condemn their revolt, knowing full well that we have done everything to provoke it. But, all the same, they think to themselves, there are limits; these guerrillas should be bent on showing that they are chivalrous; that would be the best way of showing they are men. Sometimes the Left scolds them ... ‘you’re going too far; we won’t support you any more.’ The natives don’t give a damn about their support; for all the good it does them they might as well stuff it up their backsides. Once their war began, they saw this hard truth: that every single one of us has made his bit, has got something out of them; they don’t need to call anyone to witness; they’ll grant favored treatment to no one.' It seems that the European pro-Palestinian left cannot crawl out of their cocoon which perceives western values as culturally superior, and are adamant on imposing these values on the Palestinians; most importantly non-violence, and the sanctity of negotiations. The second variety of pro-Palestinian movements, which unequivocally supports armed resistance, have been called terrorists themselves, agents de provocateurs of Hezbollah and Hamas. As if these two liberation movements ever exported their armed struggle outside Occupied Palestine and Lebanon. Regardless of the accusations, it is to the latter of pro-Palestinian movements we want to be associated with. One that is not paternalistic about the Palestinian struggle for liberation and nationhood. It is also these factions that are showing their support on the most important occasions; Land Day, Nakba Day and Prisoners day.

During the third day, the most important of them all, our comrades from 'Action Palestine' will hold a demonstration in front of the Israeli embassy in London. In Belgium we, the League of Arab Students, have organized a symbolic manifestation in front of the European Commission. We took the conscious decision of placing the issue of Lebanese prisoner George Ibrahim Abdallah on the forefront. He is the last of the Arab resistance fighters who is imprisoned in France. This Lebanese Marxist revolutionary has been behind bars since 1984. He should have been released in 2003, but this negligence on the part of the French government is all the more poignant when compared to the efforts being made to secure the release of Gilad Shalit, who also carries a French citizenship. Therefore Hamas must include the forgotten George Ibrahim Abdallah in any future deal. It has a unique opportunity to transcend the scope of its resistance outside the geographical entity of Occupied Palestine, or its Islamism. Demanding the release of a Lebanese Marxist revolutionary in France signals an important shift for Hamas, as this could result in an implicit recognition of its movement. It would also be a triumph for the Lebanese people, as they rejoice for the return of one of their citizens. And from our point of view as activists in Europe, it may blur our collective failure as a shattered and divided movement.

Palestinian Prisoners Day: Report of our solidarity gathering

The 17th of April marks Palestinian Prisoners Day. As the League of Arab Students considers and defends the Arabness of Palestine alongside the plight of struggle with its people towards the liberation of Palestine, it was more than our plight to organize a demonstration against the imprisonment and violation of the basic human rights of our brave and steadfast Palestinians.

On this symbolic day, members of the League of Arab Students and other activists gathered in front of the European Commission in Brussels. We urged that the European Union should immediately take sanctions against 'Israel' to end its suffocating blockade of the Gaza Strip and release our Palestinian prisoners who are year by year subjected to torture, deprivation of medical treatment, isolated confinement, deliberate killing and to other inhuman treatments by these Zionist occupiers. Brahim Harchaoui, spokesman of the League of Arab Students, held a speech in which he insisted on the fact that the strive for the release of the Palestinian prisoners is an important constituent in the Palestinian issue. He also clarified what we, as the common people and the authorities, can and should do to contribute to the struggle to set free Palestine. With megaphones, slogans, flags and so on, every person present showed that he repudiates the supine attitude of the authorities towards the physical and mental abuse, massacre and exile of the Palestinian people.

As the League of Arab Students, we will continue this struggle in order to set free Palestine and liberate our Palestinian prisoners. We also fiercely condemn the indifference which is widely prevalent among the Arab regimes and all kinds of normalization with the Zionist entity. We call up all Arabs to unite in order to fight against the worsening of this Zionist aggression.

The League of Arab Students in Europe

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رابطة الطلاب العرب في أوربا تخلد يوم الأسير الفلسطيني

في الذكرى 36 لإطلاق سراح أول أسير فلسطيني التي تصادف 17 أبريل من كل سنة، نظمت رابطة الطلاب العرب في أوربا – فرع بلجيكا- وقفة تضامنية مع الأسرى الفلسطينيين أمام المفوضية الأوربية للإتحاد الأوربي بمدينة بروكسيل لتسليط الأضواء على محنة الأسرى الفلسطينيين داخل معسكرات الاعتقال الصهيونية.

وقد شارك في هذه الوقفة الرمزية العشرات من الطلاب من جنسيات عربية مختلفة رفعوا خلالها شعارات منددة بالعدوان الصهيوني تجاه الشعب الفلسطيني عامة و الأسرى على وجه الخصوص. وخلال كلمته التي ألقاها بين المتظاهرين، صرح المنسق العام للرابطة الرفيق إبراهيم حرشاوي بالمسؤولية الملقاة على عاتق الجالية العربية و المسلمة المقيمة بأوربا تجاه القضية الفلسطينية وركز خصوصا على الدور المحوري الذي يجب أن تلعبه النخبة السياسية الأوربية من أصول عربية داخل مؤسسات صنع القرار الأوربي من أجل اتخاذ مواقف حازمة تجاه إسرائيل بغية إطلاق سراح الأسرى الفلسطينيين على غرار ما يقوم به اللوبي الصهيوني بأوربا لحشد الدعم لإطلاق سراح الجندي الإسرائيلي جلعاد شاليط المعتقل لدى حركة المقاومة الإسلامية حماس.

وفي هذا الصدد شدد حرشاوي في كلمته على تواطؤ الإتحاد الأوربي مع المحتل عن طريق الدعم الاقتصادي والسياسي و الانحياز المكشوف الذي يتجاهل القانون الدولي وكل القرارات الأممية، في حين أنه يتوجب على أوربا على الأقل أن تكون محايدة في الصراع العربي-الإسرائيلي وأن تقوم بما تقتضيه مبادئ الديمقراطية وحقوق الإنسان التي تؤمن بها أوربا.

وفي الختام أكد حرشاوي على أن حل قضية الأسرى واللاجئين وتحرير فلسطين من البحر الأبيض المتوسط إلى نهر الأردن هو بيد الشعب العربي ونخبته الغيورة و لن يكون إلا بالمقاومة بجميع أشكالها.

www.arabstudentsleague.blogspot.com